And after the establishment/foundation of the Community for Coal and Steel, it immediately slid into the next crisis with the failed treaty on the Defense Community and the Political Community in ’54. And early proponents of European integration, evoking an idea of “Eurafrica”, called for pan-European cooperation in the colonization … And, of course, the whole idea is to always find new compromises. Germany’s the answer to the migration problem, to the Greek problem, to the euro problem. The early enthusiasts were seldom as high-minded as their modern successors Special report Jan 3rd 2004 edition A … What Germany has to learn is playing the geopolitical game. Is it a structural problem rather than kind of a—. Even if Britain were to stay in, it’s interesting that 20 years ago John Major, the prime minister then, spoke of Britain. And you might—and it’s interesting. For example, where European Union is thinking about sanctions against Russia, we heard from Central European leaders some voices that maybe we should deal with Russia, we should not impose sanctions. The market goes from strength to strength. So some now see the European Union as more part of the problem than as a solver of these problem(s). in or out of the European Union—are quite risky for European Union. ISBN 0-521-79171-5 – ISBN 0-521-79552-4 (pbk.) Wolfgang Tillmans: Vote out populism. I was wondering where that would come. And that’s why they’re a little bit—much more positive than a few years ago. And they do not deliver. But I think the way—how we do it is very important, and I think there the preference should be that we should do it together with 28 as long as it—as it takes and when we can make some progress. I think both the eurozone crisis and the refugee crisis have in common that this is a crisis of a non-functioning governance system with regard to monetary union and with regard to migration/asylum policy. The idea that Great Britain could leave the EU motivated photographer Wolfgang Tillmans to realise a poster campaign in 2016. MEAD: Does the EU need an enemy? Learn more about the EU in this article. And this is extremely risky for EU as a whole. Q: Ennen (ph), King’s College London and Chatham House. Europe – Civilization. Because you mentioned a lot of contingent factors. Second is that, in contrast to the days of Monnet, where compromises could be found behind closed doors, we now have, I think, a very strong involvement of the public sphere. Stand. In 1947, Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, founder of the Paneuropean Union in the early 1920s, decided to unite these Members of Parliament in the European Parliamentary Union (EPU). Following the catastrophe of the First World War, thinkers and visionaries from a range of political traditions again began to float the idea of a politically unified Europe. And then we have a problem of other countries who also would like to follow U.K. in this regard, that they also would like to negotiate some special status. And so you’d still have a European Union. by Claire Felter For comparison, the EU-28 birth rate had stood at 10.6 in 2000, 12.8 in 1985 and 16.3 in 1970. European law is … So these countries try to adopt its own national foreign and defense policies to NATO standards, and then it’s relatively easy also to follow this path and integrate with the EU. And that’s why I think that we’re going to see more re-nationalization and more of a multi-speed Europe where there’s more opting-in and opting-out regardless, as I said, of what happens with the British decision. But I wonder if you could talk about political pressures that might have been created, or alleviated, for that matter, by internal migration in Europe, the shuffling of European populations. The question is whether, over time, that threat needs to be externalized rather than remain internal. So that’s why I think that there is some kind of excuse that, OK, EU is not so much effective in terms of its external foreign and defense policy, but EU as member states, almost all these countries are in NATO. It’s a time also to contribute and take responsibility. Because I think what Barbara’s telling us is that progress is going to be difficult and slow, and this is—this is no break with European history. You don’t hear David Cameron saying he wants Britain at the heart of Europe. I wonder if that means that the cost of maintaining institutional coherence for the EU is losing a kind of intellectual or even moral coherence for Europe. And it’s obvious that between the European countries, many countries have their own national interests. Inspire, Debate, Engage and Accelerate Action | European Commission However, non-alignment, which became increasingly difficult to implement as the Cold War intensified, was soon defended only by the pacifist and internationalist movements. This theme created a confusion between nationalism and the idea of the nation, between nationalism and state sovereignty. And then, of course, you think about alternatives. You know, not all are included in both of these integrated policies. The European project's antecedents go back centuries, but in our times, was revitalised by the disaster of the first world war, the Versailles Treaty and its commitment at least verbally to the idea of national self determination, the experience of an ineffective League of Nations in the face of … And when we analyze some European member states and then societies there, we might say that definitely Central Europeans are much more positive about European Union, and they still perceived EU as the only way not only to create its own foreign policy, but also to have prospects for better economic development, and also for its own security. My name is Christopher Smart. There needs to be, also, a common external border and coast guard and asylum agency to deal with that. And the Council likes to end these meetings on time so that we can get through the day effectively. But whenever things that impact directly on national electorates is concerned, then consensus becomes harder. And let’s begin here. This first session is going to be titled “The European Idea.” Our discussion will focus on the creation and the evolution of the European Union, and what lessons learned can be applied to Europe’s current challenges. And on the one hand, we may indeed notice some anti-European rhetoric. (Laughter.) And I would say that the revitalization of the European Union starts in and with the member states. My love for Europe was further stimulated during my time as a Member of the European Parliament. 5. But I think there are some particular observations we can make. But as I look at Europe, I see wars and crisis and refugees to the south; war, crisis, refugees to the east. Again, this is a particularly timely moment for that, so. And there’s a big question as to whether now, in this current circumstance—the eurozone crisis, which continues to percolate along, and also the humanitarian migration crisis—whether or not that dynamic will actually persist. President Trump sent U.S. troops to the border with Mexico to supplement the work of authorities there. These groups were fully behind the Stockholm Appeal, which the World Peace Council launched in March 1950 to demand a total worldwide ban on nuclear weapons. Thousands of young people dreamed of a united Europe, sometimes even of a unified and peaceful world. So Brexit, for you, is the number one of all of the crises. So there needs to—there needs to be a lot more alacrity with that. But, on the other hand, there are many examples of quite positive image of European Union among European citizens. PATRICK: Yeah. Both these books1 are the results of conferences at which the European idea was discussed. State and Local Conference Calls and Webinars, C. Peter McColough Series on International Economics With Kristalina Georgieva, Virtual Event And when you go back now to the Maastricht Treaty in which there was this provision on the euro, you see that a lot of our problems also started there. The problem is that, in European Union, you have so many, you know, languages, cultures, heritages, and we really would like to create a common space where people may freely change their location. CWIEK-KARPOWICZ: Yeah, if I might just say a few words on this. Take a number. Backgrounder MEAD: Well, a bit of an upbeat assessment. But this time maybe it could be different. But certainly both President Obama and Secretary Kerry have come out strongly in favor of Britain, for instance, remaining within the European Union. And quite recently European Union published the result of surveys, and more than 60 percent of Europeans believe in the future of European Union, and almost the same percentage believe in EU more than in the national parliaments and national governments. I think that the external pressure and migration crisis so far doesn’t change these rules. And we have still areas where you need to have unanimity, or where it’s politically better to have unanimity and fight for a consensus. I think the latest estimates are over 25 dead, almost 100 people injured. A question ends in a question mark. This is part of our Campus Spotlight on Europa-Universität Viadrina. And that was, of course, the introduction of the euro. 2. I think, when you talk about crisis and the European Union, you have just to admit that crisis is a state of being for the European Union because it started out of a crisis, on the ruins of the Second World War. And I very much refer to this triangular sort of leadership formation, for which Germany needs also the U.K., given the tensions between Paris and Berlin on many—in many policy areas. That’s very interesting. ), OK? And there are many other examples when, in terms of rhetoric, Central European countries seem to be anti-European. And, for example, the Polish government decided to join the eurozone, but without a specific date, OK? In the early 1920s a range of internationals were founded (or re-founded) to help like-minded political parties to coordinate their activities. The common good is a crucial idea in the political, economic, social and cultural debates in the European Union, as it appears clear in its constitutional foundations. I think that what you describe is quite correct, that Germany is now propelled in some sort of leadership role. And we’re, in fact, the ones that pushed during the Marshall Plan era for a united states of Europe and were more religious than the pope on that score for quite some time during those years—passing congressional resolutions; stating it was the sense of the U.S. Congress that the united states of Europe be formed, et cetera. And just as an example, Baltic States, countries which I mentioned before, which are very much favorable towards for the economic integration. 4. We shouldn’t forget the single market has persevered throughout this crisis. There was never one single European idea, but obviously, in the aftermath of the Second World War and the tremendous carnage created there, there was an effort to try to—and largely, it had discredited nationalism and the nation-state—with the important exception, I might add, of the United Kingdom. And now, in the wake of Paris and now Brussels and undoubtedly more terrorist events, you have a third S, security, coming into play. Ditto analysis. The Idea of Europe : from antiquity to the European Union / edited by Anthony Pagden. CWIEK-KARPOWICZ: Sure, sure. IDEA is an advisory service that provides innovative ideas and a unique space for research and collaboration on core Commission priorities. So both scenarios—U.K. The debate … Germany did not do that over the last decades. This meeting series is presented by the Maurice R. Greenberg Center for Geoeconomic Studies. And, Stewart, let’s start with you and then just come down to Jaroslaw and Barbara. Only a year after the new coronavirus emerged, the first vaccines to protect against it are being administered. And something—at least I think—I believe at the end of February they had only resettled about 500 of them, after several months. And that might be due, to some extent, to enlargement. March 26, 2021, Backgrounder It was even before the EFTA enlargement. And I think that this is something which we achieve in our history, that indeed people can freely find jobs and change countries. So you have huge, huge debates there. I think in the past what we’ve seen are that the European Union has tended to confront a number of crises over the course of its history. I think that there’s no doubt there has been a lot of cushion in the system to allow this union to be buffeted by this constellation of crisis and, you know, still stand like a Weeble, so it’ll bounce back up again. With regard to the form of and procedures for European unification, ideas often diverged according to political and ideological affiliation. They are seen as—well, as putting pressure on others, dominating them. And that’s why we observed the process of unification of standards in education and the labor markets, and it’s going deeper and deeper. And this is something which European Union is trying to differentiate, migration problems and mobility. Please turn it off completely. supports HTML5 video, Senior Fellow and Director of the International Institutions and Global Governance Program, Council on Foreign Relations, Head of Research Office, Polish Institute of International Affairs, Director of Research, German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), James Clarke Chace Professor in Foreign Affairs and Humanities, Bard College. MEAD: You seem to be using the past tense there often, perhaps ominously. This course is a seminar for the bachelor program “Cultural studies” of the Europe-University Viadrina. It’s one thing to create, you know, a customs union and an internal market, and it’s quite another one to endow Brussels-based organizations with major super-national powers, particularly on the political side of things. A question asks for information rather than imparting it. We’ve talked about the migrant crisis in terms of external refugees. And now we see, with the—with the refugee crisis, but also when you look at the economic situation in many of the member states—with low growth, with huge unemployment, in particular when you look at younger people—that they expect more from the European Union. And so you don’t have the Franco-German axis and you don’t have the triangular relationship either, particularly with a prime minister in Britain who has emboldened, perhaps more than he realized he was going to, some Euro-skeptic forces within his own country. The EU was created by the Maastricht Treaty, which entered into force on November 1, 1993. And so far, we may say that EU is not a coherent and significant global player. And in Central Europe, of course, we underline that there is strong need not to overlap with NATO, and that we really would—and, as you know, majority of EU countries are also NATO members. So I think it is, to some extent, still the problem of output legitimacy. I think, however, what’s become apparent is that this irresolution, in a way, or contradiction between a supranational Europe, with authority going to Brussels institutions, versus intergovernmental vision of Europe, the tensions and contradictions are increasingly apparent. It’s a pleasure to be here. MEAD: Well, Stewart, that’s a good point. During the interwar period, the press kept discussing common European interests in the colonies (Greiner 2014: 300-323). This book addresses these questions in essays ranging from ancient Greece to the end of the twentieth century. They discuss questions of politics, religion, commerce, law, language, literature and affectivity. MEAD: The comment—the question is really about the anti-liberal movement in at least some EU countries or parties, particularly in the East. Jaroslaw mentioned, and I think Barbara also to some extent, that the Eastern Europeans have actually been more committed to the EU as an institution than the West. … Many international congresses were also organised in order to bring this idea to fruition. ‘The Tainted Source: The Undemocratic Origins of the European Idea’ by John Laughland was originally published in 1997 and has been out of print for the past eighteen years. I think that this is part of this internal tension. And I think that we may say that European Union, as a—as a great economy, now is recovering after crisis, and the people notice this. The area of the Europe is roughly of the size of the United States, less than half the size of North America, and less than a quarter of the size of Asia; the total population of the country is no more than … (Laughs.) If so, what is it? So this is my thought from the beginning. And the European integration process has been one in fits and starts. The city has—the transport system is closed. There were gentle intimations of mounting enthusiasm for the cause of a united Europe in 1949, but they were crushed the following year by the intransigence of Ernest … As of 1 February 2020 , the population of the European Union was about 447 million people (5.8% of the world population). 1. SHARES. So all of us, I’m sure, are with the people of Brussels and Belgium in our thoughts. The history of the European idea, obviously, goes back centuries, if not perhaps even millennia, but has been particularly gripping and compelling to Europeans since the end of the Second World War. But in reality, they play exactly in line with European interests. And this sort of overlapped now with the refugee and migration crisis. But in reality, they want further integration. 3. MEAD: OK. the european idea THE sudden surge of interest in Britain's future in Eurdpe is most welcome. And so those fundamental contradictions have come up. But I think when we look at how we can manage all these—this multiplicity of problems, I think we should not only look at the EU level, or maybe not even in the first case look at the EU level and they start with all this kind of institutional engineering and treaty reform, et cetera, et cetera. ISIS? President Biden pledges a new approach as pressures mount along the boundary. (Laughter.) He wanted Britain at the heart of Europe. And I think we have the third panel on the different—on a different Europe, where all these options, which are on the table again and which are maybe not only academic debates about scaling down, for example, the European—. Yes, Rita. You’re allowed to ask a question. I think that both the eurozone crisis and the migration crisis have exposed the tensions and contradictions between the retention of much power within the nation-state and only a partial—only partial union at the Brussels level. Definitely, to analyze public opinion perception about European Union, this is a very difficult task. And I think that you see—all across the continent, you see people playing to populist forces to try to coopt some of those forces in an electoral sense. We are just a few weeks after regional elections where Alternative für Deutschland—that’s the anti-European party—gain quite great results. by Lindsay Maizland and Eleanor Albert It means that if Brits votes against European Union membership, we have European—we have United Kingdom outside the European Union—no associated, nor in some links with European Union. Search nearly 14 million words and phrases in more than 470 language pairs. So here we made a very good example in the energy sphere. No, you’re not. I mean, the first one is just a need to articulate our Central European own interest. March 25, 2021 Jaroslaw? You couldn’t have all the compromises in the Maastricht Treaty with all of the member states—and it were only 12 at that time, not 28. The ideal of European economic unification was a way to pursue national ambitions, but stripped of toxic notions of Teutonic pre-eminence. March 1, 2021, China’s Belt and Road: Implications for the United States, Task Force Report So this is one of the major problems. Angela Merkel was that indispensable woman, and then unfortunately, with the migration crisis, has really seen her own popularity and her own political leverage in her own country drop significantly. March 30, 2021 Twitter 1.7k Facebook LinkedIn Email Reddit Telegram. Beijing has tightened its grip on Hong Kong in recent years, dimming hopes that the financial center will ever become a full democracy. (Laughter.) They may remain in the union. I think that with respect to the current situation, this is obviously largely an issue for Europeans to work out themselves in terms of the future of the European project. Well, with this I’m afraid we’re coming to the end. And they were seen also by Germany over a very long period of time as an instrument for more integration, also of better integrating Germany into the European Union. A question is concise. And I think one of the problems that we’ve seen over the course of the last seven decades is the degree to which this elite-driven and often technocratic movement towards integration has led to an increasing democratic deficit and questions of—not only simply a democratic deficit with respect to institutions of the European Union, but also an emotional deficit. That’s why the domestic situation in Germany are very important. It seems to me that the easiest way for a disparate group of people to coalesce around a common purpose is to unite in defense against a common enemy. It's the idea that only 18 hand picked top teams in Europe can create entertaining football. They think about current situation. Please remember to completely turn off your cellphones, BlackBerrys, and other devices. We have three really terrific discussants here today to talk about this subject. The system has been robust and flexible. And we’ve still—we’ve still tried to repeat this obligation that Poland, sooner or later, would be a member of eurozone, but now we would like to wait a little bit. And yet the Eastern Europeans seem to be increasingly less committed to some of the core Enlightenment ideals behind Europe. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Chinese President Xi Jinping’s signature foreign policy undertaking and the world’s largest infrastructure program, poses a significant challenge to U.S. economic, political, climate change, security, and global health interests. When you look back at all of the crises, there are always charismatic or likeminded leaders in the major European countries that drove things forward. So the question is, do all member states really have the chance to participate in policymaking and have their share? The ideal of European unity, which had already been popularised by certain elite circles during the inter-war period, spread rapidly just after the Second World War. And I know that, coming from Germany, that unilateral actions taken, for example, by Germany are not very well appreciated. And so you have—that’s what I was trying to get at in a way with the—there are reasons why the European Union has not been given the powers of a state, including to manage crisis management, because it does not have democratic legitimacy as much as the national governments which constitute it. This can happen, of course, in the future, but there is already a very orderly way and provision in the treaties how this can be met.
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